Thursday, December 23, 2010
Sanctions businesses
Wednesday, December 22, 2010
Tuesday, December 21, 2010
Wikileaks Afghan drugs
Top Secret America
Monday, December 20, 2010
Irish economic crisis
Also here is a piece by Walden Bello, comparing Ireland's rise and fall to that of the East Asian Tigers and China.
Afghanistan reconciliation
Friday, December 17, 2010
Afghanistan health care
Thursday, December 16, 2010
Liu Xiaobo and Nobel Peace Prize
Monday, December 13, 2010
Sunday, December 12, 2010
US recruited Nazis in post war
Israel and drugs
Saturday, December 11, 2010
Wednesday, December 8, 2010
Saudi royals party drugs
Tuesday, December 7, 2010
Iran wikileaks
Monday, December 6, 2010
EU Afghanistan
Saudia Arabia largest funding source for terrorists
Saturday, December 4, 2010
Iran drugs harm reduction
Friday, December 3, 2010
wikileaks pakistan drones
Thursday, December 2, 2010
Ireland and Israel wikileaks
Wednesday, December 1, 2010
EU subsidies to corporations
EU funds are allocated to tobacco companies in Europe, against WHO regulations.
And McDonald's too benefits from the EU gravy train.
And some companies get funds as they relocate from Western to Eastern Europe to cut labor costs.
Wikileaks drugs Karzai Afghanistan
The memo said that in April 2009 Karzai pardoned five Afghan policemen caught with 273 pounds (124 kilograms) of heroin because they were related to two heroic figures of the Afghan civil war fought in the mid-1990s.
The policemen were tried, convicted and each was sentenced to 16 to 18 years in prison, but Karzai "pardoned all five of them on the grounds that they were distantly related to two individuals who had been martyred during the civil war," the memo said.
According to the document, Karzai also intervened in the narcotics case of Haji Amanullah, the son of a wealthy businessman and one of the president's supporters.
"Without any constitutional authority, Karzai ordered the police to conduct a second investigation which resulted in the conclusion that the defendant had been framed," Ricciardone wrote.
He wrote that intelligence reports indicated Karzai was also planning to release Ismail Safad, a drug trafficker sentenced to 19 years in jail. Safad was a priority target for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency who was arrested in 2005 with large quantities of heroin and weapons.
Abdul Makhtar, deputy director of the Afghan prison department, said Safad was still incarcerated at Pul-i Charkhi prison, the main detention facility in Kabul.
Tuesday, November 30, 2010
Wali Karzai and drugs wikileaks
Monday, November 29, 2010
Friday, November 26, 2010
Wednesday, November 24, 2010
Monday, November 22, 2010
US in Pakistan
Saturday, November 20, 2010
Iran nuclear
Friday, November 19, 2010
Iran Washington Post
Iran nuclear laptop
Thursday, November 18, 2010
US spies ni Mexico
Wednesday, November 17, 2010
Tuesday, November 16, 2010
Monday, November 15, 2010
Workers run businesses in Argentina
China in Africa
Now, however, that exploitation has become so widespread and rank that the African people are turning against the increasing influence and presence of the Chinese on their continent. Reports of disgruntled Africans working on Chinese projects for what amounts to a slave's wage have come to epitomize Sino-African relations as much as any sparkling new infrastructure.
There was a particularly ugly reminder of this last month in the southern town of Sinazongwe in Zambia, where Chinese managers of the Collum Coal Mine fired on workers protesting against their dismal pay conditions. In the ensuing mayhem, 11 Zambians were wounded; three Chinese employees were also injured. Two Chinese managers of the mine, Xiao Li Shan and Wu Jiu Hua, have been charged with attempted murder and released on bail of $10,000 as an investigation into the shooting continues.
US nuclear START
-It will not restrict our ability to modernize our nuclear forces. On the contrary, the United States will continue to maintain a robust nuclear deterrent based on our "triad" of delivery systems: intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles and heavy bombers for nuclear armaments. To sustain and modernize these systems, the administration has proposed spending well over $100 billion during the next decade.
-It will not limit our ability to develop and deploy the most effective missile defenses to protect America's forces and territory, and to enhance the security of our allies and partners. This administration is committed to sustaining and improving our missile defense capabilities and has proposed spending nearly $10 billion in fiscal 2011 to do so.
-Furthermore, the treaty permits us to make investments as needed to maintain a secure and effective nuclear stockpile. The administration has proposed spending $7 billion for this purpose in the current fiscal year - a nearly 10 percent increase - and more than $80 billion to modernize our nuclear weapons complex over the next decade, including a major life-extension program for current warheads. In all, the administration proposes spending more than $180 billion on the infrastructure that sustains our nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them - a substantial investment in the credibility and efficacy of America's nuclear deterrent.
-Finally, New START will not constrain our ability to develop and deploy the most effective conventional capabilities possible, including strike systems that could potentially hit a target anywhere on the globe in less than an hour.
Sunday, November 14, 2010
Canada Afghanistan
Guns Mexico drugs
Big tobacco
Nazis in the US
Saturday, November 13, 2010
Friday, November 12, 2010
Tuesday, November 9, 2010
Top-100 best paid in education Ireland
Morgan Kelly's article is here.
And this article below is from here.
The top 100 best-paid in education
At a time of unprecedented budget cuts and the possible return of third-level fees, SEAN FLYNN and PETER MCGUIRE reveal the salaries of the highest earners in Irish education
OVER 75 per cent of the €8.59 billion education budget is absorbed by pay and pensions. This means that all other education services must be funded from the €2.14 billion non-pay element of the budget. Overall, Ireland has one of the lowest levels of education spending in the OECD. It is ranked close to the bottom of international league tables when it comes to spending in relation to GDP.
The consequences of this under-investment are evident throughout the sector. It can be seen in dilapidated classrooms, lack of adequate support for information technology, meagre investment in early childhood education, lack of basic school facilities, and so on.
But a striking feature of the Irish education service is the relatively high rates of pay for academics and bureaucrats – especially at senior levels.
Today’s survey of the high earners in education comes amid increasing calls for a €100,000 cap on public service salaries. Many of those featured on this page point out they have already taken pay cuts and absorbed the public service pension levy. The universities say they need to pay the best to attract the best. But the top earners also include senior figures from the huge number of education quangos.
In all, more than 60 staff in the education sector earn more than €150,000, according to The Irish Times survey. A further 476 staff earn more than €110,000. In all, 497 people are on the professorial salary scale, €113,573–€145,952.
The education sector has 95,554 full-time staff – about 27 per cent of total public sector employment. Of these, 59,000 are teachers, 10,400 are special-needs assistants and 20,000 work in third-level colleges. The cost of teacher salaries is €2.1 billion at primary and €1.9 billion at second level. The cost of pay in the university/IT sector is €1.3 billion.
A further €62 million is spent on pensions to 22,700 education staff in primary, second-level and in ITs.
Inevitably, there are other top earners within the system whose names do not feature on today’s list – some third-level colleges and other educational bodies were more cooperative than others when it came to disclosing salary details.
The figures in this survey were compiled by Peter McGuire
1 PROF DES FITZGERALD
Vice-president for research, UCD
€263,602
Fitzgerald may be Ireland’s highest-paid academic but he has actually seen his salary fall from €409,000 in the past year, as UCD came under pressure to justify his exceptional pay packet.
Headhunted from the College of Surgeons, UCD says research income has more than tripled under Fitzgerald’s watch. Critics say his salary level is inappropriate in a university facing severe budgetary cuts and one with debts of more than €12 million.
2 PROF FRANK GANNON
Director general, Science Foundation Ireland
€259,697
Gannon leaves SFI at the end of the year after being headhunted by the Queensland Institute of Medical Research in Brisbane. He made a major impact on national science policy, including at Cabinet level. Described as a key asset by Minister for Enterprise Batt O’Keeffe, his departure is regarded as a huge loss.
A spokesperson said that Gannon’s salary level is “required in order to secure the services of a uniquely qualified individual with the necessary international scientific reputation and managerial experience, to deliver on the ambitious agenda the Government has entrusted to SFI.”
3 DR MICHAEL MURPHY
President, UCC
€232,151
The highest-paid university president in Ireland. Last year, former education minister Batt O’Keeffe asked the seven university presidents to take a pay cut but they have not responded to this request. UCC has debts of more than €10 million. Under Murphys tenure, UCC has routinely outperformed both UCD and Trinity College in the battle to secure research funding.
A spokesman for the college said that the presidents salary is HEA-approved and reflects his previous clinical background. The president also retains a special adviser, Eamonn Sweeney, who earns €118,000 per year.
4 PROFESSOR TOM BEGLEY
Dean, School of Business, UCD
€231,575
Begley’s role as dean of the UCD School of Business means he oversees the undergraduate Quinn School and the graduate Michael Smurfit School. The Smurfit MBA held its top 30 spot in the Financial Times European chart this year. The school also came in 98th in the global rankings. With more than 3,000 students and 30,000 alumni, the UCD Business School has a long reach into Irish corporate life.
5 PROFESSOR NICK QUIRKE
Principal, College of Engineering, Mathematical and Physical Sciences, UCD €227,659
Despite losing a special allowance last year, Quirke remains as one of the highest-paid academics in Ireland. His salary was sanctioned by the HEA under a special framework agreement, designed to help colleges attract top academics from Ireland and abroad.
Quirke fits the profile of the high-level international academic that Irish universities have been so eager to entice: he has published more than 110 papers in international journals and is editor-in-chief of the international journal, Molecular Simulation and chairman of the Journal of Experimental Nanoscience.
6 BRIGID McMANUS
Secretary General, Department of Education and Skills
€215,590
Only the fourth woman to reach the position of Secretary General and the first in the Department of Education and Science. Appointed in 2005. Regularly puts in 12 hour days (or longer) in Marlborough Street.
7 DR JAMES BROWNE (Joint 7th)
President, NUIG
€212,755
Became president four years ago after losing out in controversial circumstances more than a decade ago. Regarded as a tough, no-nonsense character who does not do small talk. That said, much respected across the sector and praised for NUIG’s strong links with local industry.
7 DR HUGH BRADY (Joint 7th)
President, UCD
€212,755
One of the most prominent and controversial figures in Irish education, Brady has brought about sweeping changes at Irelands largest university. Under fire at recent Dáil Public Accounts Committee and asked to justify €1.6 million in illegal, unauthorised bonuses to senior staff.
Credited with moving UCD swiftly up the world ranking. After languishing in 221st place, it is now in the worlds top 100 in the Times Higher ranking.
9 MARY COUGHLAN
Minister for Education
€208,526
Dubbed “Calamity Coughlan’’ during a controversial term in Enterprise and Employment. Has adopted a low profile and more cautious approach in Education. As Tánaiste, under pressure to deliver substantial education cuts in forthcoming budget.
10 EAMON DREA
Vice-president for staff, UCD
€202,913
A UCD graduate, he took an arts degree programme in the 1970s and went on to specialise in English and American literature. He then studied law at King’s Inns and was called to the bar in 1990. A civil servant for a decade, Drea worked at senior levels in the Department of the Environment and in the Department of Finance. Under Drea, an increasing number of lecturers at UCD are employed on short-term or hourly contracts.
11.John Hegarty
Provost, Trinity College Dublin €202,118
12. Professor Brian Norton President, Dublin Institute of Technology
€193,843
12. Brian MacCraith
President, Dublin City University €193,843
12. Professor Don Barry President, University of Limerick €193,843
15.Paul OToole
Director general, FÁS
€189,115
16.Brian Cawley
Director general, Institute of Public Administration
€188,952
17.Tom Collins
Interim president, NUI Maynooth €184,150
18.Professor Frances Ruane
Director, Economic and Social Research Institute
€175,572
19.Professor Paul Giller Registrar/vice-president for academic affairs, UCC
€160,759
20. Professor Anne Scott Registrar, DCU €151,800 plus allowance of €14,145 –
total salary package €160,097
21.Dr Brendan Murphy
President, Cork IT
€156,630
21. Professor Kieran Byrne President, Waterford IT
€156,630
21. Marian Coy
President, Galway-Mayo IT
€156,630
21.Dr Philip Nolan
Registrar UCD
€156,249
21. Gerry OBrien
Bursar, UCD
€156,249
21. Professor Jim Ward
Registrar, NUI Galway
€156,249
21. Dr Séamus MacMathúna Secretary, NUI Galway
€156,249
21. Mary Dooley
Bursar, NUI Galway
€156,249
21. Professor Patrick J Prendergast
Vice-provost /chief academic officer, TCD
€156,249
21. Darina Kneafsey
Chief operating officer, TCD
€156,249
31. Con O’Brien
Vice-president for the student experience, UCC
€155,184
31. Professor Grace Neville
Vice-president for teaching and learning, University College Cork. €155,184
31. Professor Michael Peter Kennedy
Vice-president for research policy and support, UCC.
€155,184
34. Professor Eugene Kennedy Vice-president for research, DCU €153,685
35. Aíne Gibbons
Vice-president for development, UCD
€151,802
36. Professor Richard Kennedy Vice-president for learning and innovation, DCU
€151,800
36. Dr Maria Hinfelaar
President, Limerick IT
€151,800
36. Dr Ruaidhri Neavyn
President, IT Carlow
€151,800
36. Denis Cummins
President, Dundalk IT
€151,800
36. Prof Ciarán Ó Catháin
Athlone IT
€151,800
36. Dr Mary Meaney
President, IT Blanchardstown €151,800
36. Jim Devine
Director, Dún Laoghaire Institute of Art, Design and Technology €151,800
36. Paul Hannigan
President, Letterkenny IT €151,800
36. Professor Terri Scott President, Sligo IT
€151,800
36. Michael Carmody
President, IT Tralee
€151,800
36. Pat McLaughlin
President, IT Tallaght
€151,800
36. Mike OMalley
Bursar, NUI Maynooth
€151,800
36. Frank Soughley
Finance officer, DCU
€151,800
36. John Field
Director of finance, UL
€151,800
36. Secretary
UL (position currently vacant) €151,800
36. Professor Paul McCutcheon Registrar, UL
€151,800
36. Ian Matthews
Treasurer, Trinity College €151,800
36. Diarmuid Collins
Bursar, University College Cork €151,800
54. Padraic McNamara
Chief executive, State Examinations Commission €150,712 plus expenses of €1,318.21
54. Pat Curtin
Chief executive, National Council for Special Education.
€150,712
56. Executive Faculty Deans DCU
Salary scale rising to €150,667
– Jim Dowling
Dean of Engineering and Computing
– Professor Bernard Pierce
School of Business
– Professor Eithne Guilfoyle
Humanities and Social Sciences
– Professor Malcolm Smyth
Science and Health
60. Martin Conry
Secretary, DCU
€148,533
61. Stan McHugh
Chief executive, FETAC
€146,191
61. Padraig Walsh
Chief executive, National Qualifications Authority of Ireland salary scale of €127,796 to €146,191
63. Dr Martin Butler Vice-president for students, UCD Professorial scale rising to €146,022
63. Dr Padraic Conway Vice-president for university relations, UCD
to €146,022
63. College Principals, UCD salary scale rising to €146,022
–Professor Mary Daly
Arts and Celtic Studies
–Professor Brigid Laffan
Human Sciences
–Professor Maurice Boland
Life Sciences
68. David Redmond
Registrar, NUI Maynooth €146,001
69. Declan McGonagle
Director, National College of Art and Design.
€145,952
69. Dr Noel O’Connor
Director of student services, DIT Salary scale to €145,952
69. Paul Flynn
Director of finance and resources, DIT
to €145,952
69. Director/deans of colleges, DIT
– Bríd Grant
College of Arts and Tourism
– Mike Murphy
College of Engineering and Built Environment
– Paul OSullivan
College of Business
– Michael Devereux
College of Science and Health
Salary scale rising to €145,952
69. Professor Terry Smith
Vice-president for research,
NUI Galway
€145,952
69. Professor Rowena Pecchenino
Dean of the Faculty of Social Science, NUI Maynooth
€145,952
69. Professor Colm O’Morain
Dean of Health Sciences, TCD
€145,952 (Salary scale of professor consultant paid for by Tallaght Hospital, 50 per cent of which is reimbursed by TCD. The College pays in the order of €120,000.)
79. Tom Boland
Chief executive, Higher Education Authority
€145,392
80. Dr Pauric Travers
President, St Patricks College: €145,328
80. Dr Peadar Cremin
President, Mary Immaculate College
€145,328
82. Professor James Walsh
Deputy president, NUI Maynooth €144,607
83. Professor Caroline Fennell Head of College of Arts, Celtic Studies and Social Science, UCC €143,134
83. Professor Patrick Fitzpatrick Head of the College of Science, Engineering, and Food Science, UCC
€143,134
85. Attracta Halpin Registrar, National University of Ireland: €138,719 plus registration officer allowance of €635
86. Professor Michael Marsh
Dean of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, TCD Salary scale of €108,048–€138, 655
86. Professor Chris Curtin
Vice-president for innovation and performance, NUI Galway €138,655
86. Vice-president for research Professor Terry Smith, TCD €138,655
86. Professor Ray ONeill
Vice-president for research NUI Maynooth
€138,655
86. Professor Gerry Lyons
Dean of engineering and informatics, NUI Galway
salary scale to €138,655
86. Anne Fitzgerald
Secretary, Trinity College. Salary scale of €108,048–€138,655
92. Dr Thomas OConnor
Dean of Arts, Celtic Studies and Philosophy
€133,001*
92. Dr Bernard P Mahon
Dean, Faculty of Science and Engineering, NUI Maynooth
€133,001*
94. Gearóid Ó Conluain
Chief executive officer, Higher Education and Training Awards Council
€132,687 plus expenses of €7,009
95. Professor William Golden Dean of Business, Public Policy and Law, NUI Galway
€126,351
96. Anne Looney
Chief executive, National Council for Curriculum and Assessment €119,636
97. Éamonn Sweeney
Advisor to the president of UCC €118,000
98. Gerry Whyte
Dean of students at TCD
salary scale of €113,604–€145,952
98. Dr David Lloyd
Dean of research at TCD salary scale of €113,604–€145,952
100. Professor BG Loftus
Dean of medicine, NUI Galway €112,610
FOOTNOTES
– Assistant Director Generals FÁS: €134,523-€153,885 Average salary: €149,469
– Asst Secretary Generals
Department of Education and Skills: at upper end of pay scale, based on incremental service, can earn up to €146,191
– Professorial salary scale UCD, UCC, TCD, NUIM, NUIG, DCU, and UL (appointed after 1995) €113,573–€145,952
– Professorial salary scale UCD, UCC, TCD, NUIM, NUIG, DCU, and UL (appointed before 1995) €107,964–€138,719
– Chief executives of larger VEC areas: upper pay scale of €129,854
– Registrars, secretaries, heads of development, and financial controllers Cork IT, Galway-Mayo IT, Waterford IT, Limerick IT, Athlone IT, Dundalk IT, Sligo IT.
Top salary of €114,997
- Associate Professors: salary scale of €82,970–€110,058
*At NUI Maynooth, Dr Thomas OConnor and Dr Bernard Mahon (both at number 92) are not on professorial scale and are paid their academic salary plus an allowance, bringing them to point three on the professorial salary scale which is €126,525.
– For historical reasons, the salary of the Secretary at UCD, John Coman, is not paid at HEA rates (€156,249). The correct figure was not available.
Bush memoirs
Al Qaeda Jason Burke
In conclusion, a new way of looking at al-Qaida as a phenomenon would be to abandon the idea of a central group, an ideology and even of affiliates, and to see instead a huge matrix of interlocking networks all of which evolve simultaneously and in response to each other and to outside pressures informed by a common culture. Naturally individuals with particular resources – charisma, cash, learning, security, credibility – draw networks together and create nodes.
Clusters of these nodes form something that, at least from outside, looks like an organisation. One such cluster is currently centred on the Pakistani tribal zones. Another, somewhat less dense, is centred on Yemen. A third, less dense still, is in Somalia. Nodes that existed earlier in the decade in Algeria, Iraq and Saudi Arabia have now largely broken up. In the chaotic, shifting, multivalent world that is contemporary Islamic militancy we can expect the nodes that currently exist to break up too at some stage. Others inevitably will reform elsewhere. Predicting how and when they do so will not be an easy task.
Saturday, November 6, 2010
Intelligence on terror groups
Friday, November 5, 2010
British torture
Guantanamo and US prisons
Tuesday, November 2, 2010
US sectarian strategy in Iraq torture
Monday, November 1, 2010
New Start Treaty
Sunday, October 31, 2010
Iran Honduras elections
Friday, October 29, 2010
Private prison companies
Afghan warlords training in Australia
Thursday, October 28, 2010
Afghan elections warlords
Tuesday, October 26, 2010
Iran covert operations
Sunday, October 24, 2010
Mexico drugs
Saturday, October 23, 2010
Suicide terrorism
Marijuana war on drugs
Iraq wikileaks
Patrick Cockburn on some of the conflicts that took place in Iraq since 2003.
Drugs Afghanistan
Friday, October 22, 2010
US bases in Afghanistan
Thursday, October 21, 2010
Citizens United
Tuesday, October 19, 2010
Monday, October 18, 2010
Iraqi coalition politics
Any majority coalition government in Iraq required the participation of two of the three major blocs, and each side had its foreign advocate, with the Obama Administration supporting the Maliki-Allawi pairing, Syria supporting an Allawi-Sadr pairing, and Iran supporting the Maliki-Sadr pairing that ultimately won out. Maliki may risk a lot in forming a coalition overtly opposed by the US, which is still occupying the nation, but he might be risking even more to expel Sadr after a deal has been made for a coalition which would strengthen the Shi’ite clergy, a move that is supported both by his key allies in Iran and by a large portion of Maliki’s own constituency.
Wednesday, October 13, 2010
Greenwald suicide terrorism
Monday, October 11, 2010
US financial wars
UK jail racism
Sunday, October 10, 2010
Iran china
And South Korea, after agreeing to apply sanctions on Iran, quietly found another way to maintain its trade with Iran.
US-Korea FTA
Colombia bases
Nuclear North Korea
Saturday, October 9, 2010
Pantano murders
Friday, October 8, 2010
Afghanistan
Wednesday, October 6, 2010
Saturday, October 2, 2010
Blackwater contract state department
Friday, October 1, 2010
Wali Karzai CIA
Iran sanctions
Thursday, September 30, 2010
Biofuel in Afghanistan
Wednesday, September 29, 2010
The settlement freeze that wasn't
Tuesday, September 28, 2010
British government knew about torture
Previously classified documents, disclosed in the high court, show that the UK government was warned repeatedly in January 2002 that British citizens were possibly being tortured after capture by US forces in Afghanistan, that the US was planning to hold some indefinitely without trial, and that British military lawyers were complaining about breaches of the Geneva conventions.
While the heavily redacted documents – released in civil proceedings brought by six former Guantánamo inmates – betray British concern about American conduct, they also appear to show that diplomats, civil servants and government lawyers were anxious to find ways to remain, in the words of Tony Blair, "standing shoulder to shoulder" with the US.
Stasi works for NATO
7,000 dead in Israel/Palestine
Gaza flotilla
Monday, September 27, 2010
Israel wiped off the map
Sunday, September 26, 2010
Obama State Secrets
Iraq archives released
Document 8 outlines some notes about ways to start the war.
No settlement freeze in West Bank
Newly released archives
Saturday, September 25, 2010
Kyrgyzstan
FBI targets antiwar groups
Basically the FBI is spying on anti war groups using the false pretext that they're terrorists.
Afghanistan media
Friday, September 24, 2010
Israel settlement "freeze"
Thursday, September 23, 2010
US decline
Wednesday, September 22, 2010
Monday, September 20, 2010
Thursday, September 16, 2010
Illiteracy in Iraq
US night raids
McChrystal had increased the level of SOF raids from the 100 to 125 a month during the command of his predecessor, Gen. David McKiernan, to 500 a month during 2009. And the figures released by Petraeus revealed that McChrystal had doubled the number of raids on homes again to 1,000 a month before he was relieved of duty in June.
But it also resulted in a decrease in the number of IEDs disarmed thanks to local Afghans' tips.
Wednesday, September 15, 2010
Compensation in Iraq
Monday, September 13, 2010
Corruption Afghanistan
Mexico drugs
Foreign aid in Afghanistan
Donors spent US$36 billion in Afghanistan in 2001-2009 out of a total of $62 billion pledged in grants and loans, according to the DFR.
Among the dozens of donors, Sweden came out top in terms of covering the gap between commitment and action - translating 90 percent of its pledges into concrete funding, followed by the UK and the USA, while the Asian Development Bank ranked last at 60 percent.
The USA has been the single largest donor to Afghanistan over the past eight years, disbursing US$23.417 billion.
Over the past five years per capita donor aid has been $1,241 - far less than the amount spent in Iraq and Bosnia, according to the DFR, despite Afghanistan having some of the worst poverty and vulnerability indicators in the world.
Half of this is spent by foreign militaries:
President Hamid Karzai’s government has been pilloried over allegations of endemic corruption, ineptitude and the mismanagement of aid, but it disbursed only 23 percent of foreign grants (about $8 billion).
Over $29 billion (77 percent of the total disbursed aid) was directly spent by donors with little or no government input; more than $15 of the $29 billion was disbursed directly by foreign military channels, according to the DFR.
This includes the Commanders Emergency Response Programme - where senior officers in the field have access to cash for tactical spending - and the Provincial Reconstruction Funds, which "aims to win ‘hearts and minds’,” said Oxfam’s Jackson.
So over half of the aid is spent on security:
Over half of the total disbursed assistance in 2002-2009 (about $19 billion) was spent on the security sector, particularly on strengthening the police and army, the DFR figures show.
Health received 6 percent, education and culture 9 percent and agriculture and rural development got 18 percent of the total $36 billion aid.
Friday, September 10, 2010
US attempts to dislodge Chavez
From here.
US Interference In Venezuelan Elections
In 2002, the US Agency for International Development (USAID) arrived in Venezuela with a mission: Remove Hugo Chavez from power
A report commissioned by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and published in May 2010 by the Spanish Foundation for International Relations and Foreign Dialogue (FRIDE) revealed that this year alone, international agencies are investing between $40-50 million in anti-Chavez groups in Venezuela. A large part of those funds have been channeled to the opposition coalition, Democratic Unity (MUD), and its campaign for the upcoming legislative elections on September 26.
A majority of funding comes from US agencies, particularly USAID, which has maintained a presence in Venezuela since 2002 with the sole intention of aiding in President Chavez’s removal from power. For the past eight years, USAID has channeled millions into political parties, organizations and private media entities linked to the opposition, helping them to grow and unify, and providing strategic advice, support and resources for their political campaigns.
Unlike in other nations, USAID has no formal agreement or authorization from the Venezuelan government to operate in the country. As an oil-wealthy nation, Venezuela does not qualify for economic aid from the United States. Nonetheless, USAID has been operating in Venezuela unauthorized through its political office during eight years, funding and helping to design and plan anti-Chavez campaigns and feeding an internal conflict with millions of US taxpayer dollars.
USAID’S BEGINNINGS IN VENEZUELA
In a confidential memorandum dated January 22, 2002, Russell Porter, head of USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), revealed how and why USAID set up shop in Venezuela. “OTI was asked to consider a program in Venezuela by the State Department’s Office of Andean Affairs on January 4…it became clear there is growing concern about the political health of the country. OTI was asked if it could offer programs and assistance in order to strengthen the democratic elements that are under increasing fire from the Chavez government”.
The Office of Transition Initiatives is a division of USAID that works exclusively with political matters to further US government objectives abroad. OTI provides short-term, rapid and flexible assistance to aid “political transitions and stabilization efforts” in countries of strategic importance to Washington.
Porter visited Venezuela on January 18, 2002 and held nine meetings in Caracas with representatives from opposition political parties and organizations. “There is a belief among nearly everyone I spoke with that Chavez will not finish out the year as president”, wrote OTI’s chief, noting, “Rumors of a coup are pervasive…The next election is four years away. Given the situation now, Chavez will not likely be around to participate in it”.
To ensure Venezuela’s political destiny would be favorable to US interests, Porter commented, “For democracy to have any chance of being preserved, immediate support is needed for independent media and the civil society sector…One of the large weaknesses in Venezuela is the lack of a vibrant civil society…The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has a $900,000 program in Venezuela that works with NDI, IRI and the Solidarity Center to strengthen political parties and the Unions…This program is useful, but not nearly sufficient. It is not flexible enough, nor does it work with enough new or non-traditional groups. It also lacks a media component”.
“Civil society needs to be strengthened in order to reduce social conflict and begin to rebuild the democratic infrastructure. While OTI is not the right office to rebuild long-term democratic infrastructure, it is the office that can best reduce social conflict by working with the media and civil society. In addition, with no USAID Mission in Venezuela, OTI is the natural office to start a high-impact program quickly. Success, however, is far from guaranteed. No matter how good the program, anti-democratic forces may well overrun democracy, but then OTI will need to be there to pick up the pieces and strengthen those democratic elements that remain”, elaborated Porter, evidencing the extent of US intervention. He concluded, “I recommend OTI send an assessment team to Venezuela as soon as possible with a prejudice toward starting an active program to support civil society and the media”.
ELECTORAL INTERVENTION: RECALL REFERENDUM
After the failed coup d’etat against President Chavez in April 2002, OTI formally established its office in Caracas with a clear objective: facilitate a recall referendum against the Venezuelan President.
Another confidential memo dated October 2003 from OTI outlined the strategy: “The most immediate program objective…is the realization of a successful referendum, followed by the restoration of stable democratic governance”.
USAID defined its strategy with “two distinct, but closely interrelated components”. “The first of these is the faciliation of a successful and legitimate recall referendum process…The second component is support for fostering an inclusive reconciliation process”. First, they would have to recall Chavez’s mandate, and then, implement a “transition and reconciliation government”. To achieve the first objective, USAID channeled more than $750,000 to a “public information campaign” in Venezuelan media. “The purpose of this assistance…will be to help the population better understand the procedure and what is at stake…”
Through USAID and NED support, Sumate, a Venezuelan organization, was created to provide “domestic observation/quick count” and “electoral education campaigns”, all of which were directed against President Chavez. From that time on, Sumate has maintained the same role in all subsequent electoral campaigns. Sumate’s founder, Maria Corina Machado, met personally with President George W. Bush in the White House in May 2005 as a sign of support for the Venezuelan opposition. Today, she is a candidate in the upcoming National Assembly elections.
For the recall referendum process, USAID additionally invested $1.3 million into opposition “political party strengthening” to aid in “campaign organization and structure, message development and grassroots campaigning”.
As evidence to the close relationship maintained between US agencies and opposition groups in Venezuela, the confidential memo revealed, “OTI will hold regular coordinating meetings with the grantees funded directly through USAID in both Caracas and Washington to ensure…implementing partners are achieving the objectives of the program”.
OTI field offices usually do not extend beyond a time period of 2-3 years. However, in the case of Venezuela, USAID anticipated an exception. “The US objective in Venezuela is the continuation of a stable, free market-oriented democracy. Regardless of the result of the referendum process, given the continued potential for conflict and volatility, the OTI program should probably continue into FY ’05…If instability and volatility continue, the eventual restoration of stability in Venezuela is important enough to USG interests for consideration of reintroducing a longer-term USAID program”.
After the recall referendum was won victoriously by the Chavez camp, USAID opted for a greater investment and expansion of the agency’s interventionist activities in Venezuela.
INTERVENTION IN LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS – 2005/2010
A declassified cable sent in April 2005 from then US Ambassador in Caracas, William Brownfield, to the Secretary of State and the National Security Council outlined the work the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International Republican Institute (IRI) were pursuing “to facilitate the renovation/transformation of Venezuela’s political parties”. “They are working with opposition parties to help them focus on their survival as relevant political institutions”, revealed the cable.
“In January 2005, NDI began implementation of a year-long $500,000 project focusing on party transformation…Of primary importance will be the mobilization and engagement of reformist forces (e.g. young leaders, women, civil society) so that necessary change does indeed occur” in the legislative elections.
Brownfield indicated how “experienced trainers/political consultants” were brought from the US to aid opposition parties in the “development of strategies and messages that address the aspirations of low-income voters”, which the US Ambassador considered a “high priority”, considering it’s the base of hard-core Chavez supporters. And although opposition parties AD and COPEI appeared as principal beneficiaries of these programs, the cable also revealed support to Primero Justicia for “modern techniques of message development and diffusion”.
In January 2005, IRI also received $500,000 to continue its program of “campaign schools” for opposition candidates. According to the document, “Topics to be covered in the campaign schools include: campaign strategy and organization, message development, outreach, fundraising, public relations, get-out-the-vote techniques, and candidate selection”. Not only were US agencies funding and training opposition candidates, but they were involved in selecting them as well.
In the end, the opposition chose to boycott the legislative elections instead of facing a severe defeat at the polls.
2010
Five years later, the funds opposition parties are receiving have multiplied by the millions, as have the hundreds of new anti-Chavez organizations created in Venezuela under the façade of NGOs.
In 2003, USAID funded 66 programs in Venezuela. Today, this figure has grown to 623 with more than $20 million. USAID’s original objective of “strengthening civil society” has been achieved.
There remains no doubt the Venezuelan opposition – in all its manifestations – is product of the US government. US agencies fund and design their campaigns, train and build their parties, organize their NGOs, develop their messages, select their candidates and feed them with dollars to ensure survival.
Until USAID achieves its principal objective – Hugo Chavez’s ouster – their work will continue.
Note: In the US, foreign funding for political campaigns or political parties is strictly prohibited. Organizations that receive foreign funding for other non-campaign related political or media activities must register as Foreign Agents under the Foreign Agent Registration Act (FARA). In Venezuela, while the law does prohibit foreign funding of political parties and campaigns, recipients of these funds, and their foreign funders, have cried political persecution and accused the government of repression when attempting to impose the law.
Wednesday, September 8, 2010
Inequality
Tuesday, September 7, 2010
Osirak
People going ballistic over the Bushehr reactor are perhaps remembering the 1981 Israeli attack on the French-made OSIRAK reactor in Baghdad. But that was a piece of counter-productive theater anyway. The French had insisted on constructing a light water reactor, and on putting in safeguards against its being used for weapons construction. The Israeli attack therefore did not forestall a weapons program; the reactor would have been almost impossible to use for that purpose. After the Israeli attack, though, Saddam Hussein launched a crash program to enrich uranium through magnetatrons, an effort that appears to have failed or to have been a very long-term proposition. It was the Israeli strike that convinced the Baath regime to carry out a crash program of nuclear weapons advances that only Baghdad’s defeat in the Gulf War revealed. The Israelis would have been better off leaving the innocuous OSIRAK alone; as it was they provoked an Iraqi crash nuclear weapons program that might have ultimately borne fruit had it not been for Saddam’s rash and brutal invasion of Kuwait.
Monday, September 6, 2010
Sunday, September 5, 2010
Saturday, September 4, 2010
Mexico drug war
Behind Mexico's Bloodshed.
The Real News. September 1, 2010
Bruce Livesey: While free trade wiped out Mexico's traditional agriculture, the drug cartels moved in.
Flourishing drug demand in the U.S. and Canada has combined with the destruction of Mexico's traditional economy to increase the power of the Mexican drug cartels. At the same time, the cartels are at war over the drug market in Mexico, with drastic results including the recent massacre of 72 undocumented migrants in Northern Mexico.
Bio
Bruce Livesey has been a journalist for more than 25 years, most recently focusing his attention on the drug war in Mexico where he produced radio pieces for NPR and CBC radio. He previously worked as a television producer at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation current affairs program CBC News Sunday which followed six years at the CBC program the fifth estate as an associate producer where he worked on stories involving, among others, George W. Bush's connections to the bin Laden family, the failings of the Patriot missile, Canada's most powerful mobsters, and an examination of the rise of Islamist terrorism in Europe as part of a co-production with the PBS program Frontline and the New York Times. He has written for over 30 newspapers and magazines and produced television stories for Al-Jazeera English and Current TV.
Comments from Registered Members
Transcript
JESSE FREESTON, PRODUCER, TRNN: The discovery of 72 murdered migrants on a ranch in northern Mexico last week has brought more attention to the violence in a country in the grips of a war between competing drug cartels. I spoke with investigative journalist Bruce Livesey, who recently returned from Ciudad Juárez on Mexico's northern border, where he produced reports for NPR and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.
FREESTON: I think, Bruce, a lot of people are aware of the violence in Mexico, but not all of us really understand it and what's at the roots of it. And sort of that was what compelled your journey there. Could you tell us a little bit about what you found?
BRUCE LIVESAY, INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALIST: It's a somewhat complicated story, in the sense that it's very much rooted in the history of Mexico, in sort of the past and recent times. And, essentially, in a nutshell, up until about 2000 the arrangement in Mexico was that the Mexican state and government and the political party at the time, which was the PRI, and the cartels sort of worked all in this kind of tango of corruption together. And so drugs could pass through Mexico, and everybody got a bit of money out of it, and the role of the state was to sort of manage and be a referee among the cartels. And what changed was in 2000 the PRI fell from power, and essentially PAN came to power on an anticorruption platform. So they essentially didn't want to be the referee among the cartels any longer. And what that led to was that in this sort of vacuum of power, the cartels began to compete with each other openly for each other's marketplace. Really it was through, I'd say, from about 2000 to 2006, the violence among the cartels began to grow as they began to sort of jostle for market share. I think the other thing that was very critical in this was NAFTA, and NAFTA played a role in two ways. In the early 1990s, the Americans were very successful in preventing, stopping sort of the flow of drugs to Florida from Columbia, especially cocaine. And what this did was that it forced the Colombians to think of another route of the drugs into the North American market, and they essentially cut a deal with the Mexican drug cartels to start transporting the drugs through Mexico. And when NAFTA came into effect in the early '90s, this made it much easier, 'cause the flow of trucks across the border increased enormously. And they began throwing shipments of heroin, crystal meth, and marijuana in with these shipments of cocaine, and it made them suddenly much more wealthier. Their portion of controlling the American market place grew enormously. So most of the drugs now entering the United States come through Mexico. So you had this combination of where the Mexican drug cartels got wealthier, the government stopped playing this role of being the referee. And what always happens in the world of organized crime, when you have no sort of regulation, is that-and it's generally a world that attracts the most ruthless aspect of the population-is you end up with a lot of people killing each other. And that's really sort of at-in an overview, what's been happening.
FREESTON: It hasn't just brought in maybe the most ruthless aspects as well. It's also brought in normal people who've sort of been left between a rock and a hard place. And maybe talk about NAFTA and some of the other aspects of the transformation of the Mexican economy.
LIVESAY: One thing that occurred with NAFTA was it allowed American produce, you know, especially, you know, agricultural produce, into the Mexican market. And essentially the Americans, their produce was cheaper and better than the Mexicans'. So essentially what that did is it wiped out the Mexican agricultural sector to a great extent. So a lot of the small farmers in central Mexico who were just, you know, barely getting by suddenly were out of work, and they essentially migrated north to cities like Juárez, where factories had been set up, in the maquiladoras, and to take advantage of, you know, free trade, essentially to exploit Mexican workers and produce goods for the American market. And so you saw Juárez in the sort of late '90s, early 2000s actually become a prosperous city-you know, a lot more investment there and a large growth in population. Well, then a couple of things happened. One is that a lot of those jobs vanished when suddenly China and India became the place to be, to send your manufacturing. So you had now this displaced population in northern Mexico who couldn't go back to the land to make a living because they couldn't compete with American produce, and increasingly their only economic opportunity was the drug trade. This was essentially dealing in narcotics. So they became employees of the drug cartels. And that-so now you have a significant portion of the Mexican population that is involved somehow, either directly or indirectly involved, in the drug trade. It is now considered the second biggest export and industry in Mexico is the drug trade, after oil production.
FREESTON: So 2006, Felipe Calderón comes to power in what could best be described as a controversial election. Then what happens?
LIVESAY: Many believe that in order to sort of put a stamp of legitimacy on his government that, as you say, got elected under questionable circumstances, he decides to act like the macho man and send the army into-primarily in northern Mexico, into the towns and villages and cities, in order to ostensibly take on the drug cartels. And they will say, we're taking on all the drug cartels. So the problem was that Calderón doesn't really control the state. He doesn't-the state has become so corrupted over the decades that it's easily manipulated by other forces in Mexico. He also-he failed to recognize-or perhaps he did know this, but the upshot was the Mexican army has long played a role in the drug trade, going back 100 years. In the mid-'90s, one of the most famous arrests was the drug czar in Mexico who was also a Mexican military general. And he was in bed with the Juárez cartel, so that the Mexican Army has this long history of corruption with the drug trade. So, essentially, Calderón was sending in a force that he didn't really control. And what essentially has happened is the Mexican army got easily corrupted and manipulated by the drug trade, and especially by the drug cartels. So now what's happened is that the army has taken sides in the war among the cartels.
FREESTON: I'm just going to-we're going to end this segment here. And in the next segment we'll talk about specifically how that relationship plays out and what you saw in Ciudad Juárez, if you join us for part two of our interview with Bruce Livesey.
BEHIND MEXICO'S BLOODSHED Pt. 2.
The Real News. September 3, 2010
In part two of our interview with investigative journalist Bruce Livesey, we discuss the violence in Ciudad Juarez. Livesey, recently returned from Mexico's murder capital, says that the Mexican military is showing evidence that it is supporting the Sinaloa Cartel in it's bid to take out the local Juarez Cartel for this key transportation corridor.
Bio
Bruce Livesey has been a journalist for more than 25 years, most recently focusing his attention on the drug war in Mexico where he produced radio pieces for NPR and CBC radio. He previously worked as a television producer at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation current affairs program CBC News Sunday which followed six years at the CBC program the fifth estate as an associate producer where he worked on stories involving, among others, George W. Bush's connections to the bin Laden family, the failings of the Patriot missile, Canada's most powerful mobsters, and an examination of the rise of Islamist terrorism in Europe as part of a co-production with the PBS program Frontline and the New York Times. He has written for over 30 newspapers and magazines and produced television stories for Al-Jazeera English and Current TV.
Transcript
JESSE FREESTON, PRODUCER, TRNN: Welcome back to The Real News Network. I'm Jesse Freeston in Toronto with Bruce Livesey, who recently returned from Ciudad Juárez, which is one of the epicenters, really, of this playing out drug conflict in Mexico. When we left off, you were talking about the role that the Mexican army has played in the drug trade. If you could, elaborate a little bit more on that and talk about specifically what you saw in Juárez.
BRUCE LIVESEY, INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALIST: Sure. Juárez has become now the most dangerous city in the world. It's-there, essentially, about 7 to 10 people are murdered every day. And the story that's generally been told is that it's a war between two drug cartels, so the Juárez drug cartel, which has been there for a long time, and the Sinaloan drug cartel, which is trying to move in. In early 2008, violence in Juárez sort of went from being sort of normal to escalating. In March of that year, the Calderón government sent the army in to essentially occupy Juárez. And then the violence got much worse and has continued to get much worse in spite of the army's presence. So this seemed very counterintuitive. You know, what was going on? Why was the violence getting much worse? And what we discovered or what I discovered is that essentially the army has taken sides. They have sided with the Sinaloan drug cartel against the Juárez Cartel, and they are helping primarily the Sinaloans take out members of the Juárez Cartel. So, essentially, the assassins for each of the cartels are locked in this sort of deadly battle. But, essentially, the Sinaloans are winning, and they're winning with the assistance of the Mexican army.
FREESTON: So one thing that some other people have pointed out that I've read, particularly in the Mexican press, was that while the justification for something like Plan Mérida, where the US is giving a little over $1 billion a year to help the Mexican army, is justified from the perspective that the Mexican army is undermanned or under-armed against these drug cartels, that the drug cartels are more powerful and have better weaponry and things like this, well, at the same time we're not really seeing many casualties in the Mexican military, are we? And so maybe talk about that.
LIVESEY: The odd skirmish occurs. But again the question is, you know, is the skirmish occurring because the Mexican army is taking on, again, some elements of the drug cartel on behalf of another cartel? And what we saw in Juárez was that the army essentially was playing this role of doing nothing. They would sort of show up after the murders. And there was evidence that they were clearly helping the assassins of the Sinaloan Cartel do their business. So in Juárez the evidence is essentially their role was just to kind of drive around in circles and allow and/or help the Sinaloans take out the Juárez Cartel.
FREESTON: Who were the victims of these murders?
LIVESEY: Well, again, another complicating factor, especially in Juárez, is that what's occurred in the last few years is that Juárez has become a market for drugs, so the amount of addicted Mexicans has also exploded. So there are two things happening in Juárez. There is the Sinaloans trying to take out the leadership and foot soldiers of the cartels. They're also taking out the street dealers of competing gangs who sell drugs in Juárez. And you have things that just don't-in that respect, where they've gone into drug clinics, so clinics that are being set up to get people off drugs, and they've massacred the addicts, and in order to send a message: don't get off the drugs. The other thing that's clearly happened is there's a lot of innocent bystanders getting killed. There's enormous industry and shakedown rackets. So they're going into businesses and to homes and they're basically demanding money from people, and if they don't pay, they shoot them. So, like, the violence is, like, on about three or four levels: there's, you know, what-the army killing people; there's the cartels killing cartel members; there's cartel members taking out, you know, neighborhood people who are not paying or businesses who are not paying, essentially, graft.
FREESTON: Is there any way to tell, necessarily, at what level this relationship is between the army and the drug cartels? Is it happening at a local level? Or how high up does it go? Is there any way to tell?
LIVESEY: It's hard to. We-and that was the question we asked. We said, how-what we were told was that it definitely goes up to the level of the district commander. So the regional commanders are in on it, because the commanders would change, but the Mexican army's role would not change. What we were told was generally-is the corruption occurs at a somewhat regional level. So once the army moved into a region, the drug cartels essentially would cut a deal with the army commanders. But whether it goes all the way up to the generals who report to Calderón, we don't know.
FREESTON: Well, there's also-you know, the political leadership, both not only in Mexico but in the US, must be aware of this at this point. I mean, the US has DEA [Drug Enforcement Administration] agents on the ground there as well. I mean, is there any recognition that this is going on, any acknowledgment?
LIVESEY: We spent some time trying to ascertain that, and we felt that, yes, there are elements of the DEA in particular and aspects of the American government who believe this to be true. The problem is that they have drunk the Kool-Aid, you know, that for political reasons it is not good politics in America to suggest that they are funding an organization, which is the Mexican army, that essentially is working for drug cartels, even if they think it might be going on. They essentially put blinkers up in that respect. So we discovered that, yes, there are elements of the intelligence community in the United States who are aware of this, but that it is politically, you know, problematic, if you're in those institutions, to begin questioning your masters. And that's really what's happened.
FREESTON: Alright, Bruce. Well, thank you very much for your time.
LIVESEY: Thanks, Jesse.
FREESTON: And will you be heading back to Mexico any time soon?
LIVESEY: I'm going back to Texas to do a story some time later this year, somewhat related to the drug trade, yeah.
FREESTON: Well, hopefully we can talk to you again after that.
LIVESEY: Okay.
FREESTON: Thanks for joining us on The Real News Network.
Saturday, August 28, 2010
CIA paying Karzai officials
The CIA bankrolled Afghanistan's intelligence service, and its financial ties to government officials has proliferated in recent years.
"There are probably not too many officials we haven't met and contacted and paid," a former CIA official said.
Monday, August 23, 2010
Immigration
Sunday, August 22, 2010
Iraq
Ken Pollack writes about the myth of US combat troops withdrawal from Iraq:
Myth: As of this month, the United States no longer has combat troops in Iraq.
1.Not even close. Of the roughly 50,000 American military personnel who remain in Iraq, the majority are still combat troops -- they're just named something else. The major units still in Iraq will no longer be called "brigade combat teams" and instead will be called "advisory and assistance brigades." But a rose by any other name is still a rose, and the differences in brigade structure and personnel are minimal.
American troops in Iraq will still go into harm's way. They will still accompany Iraqi units on combat missions -- even if only as "advisers." American pilots will still fly combat missions in support of Iraqi ground forces. And American special forces will still face off against Iraqi terrorist groups in high-intensity operations. For that reason, when American troops leave their bases in Iraq, they will still, almost invariably, be in full "battle rattle" and ready for a fight.
What has changed over the past 12 to 18 months is the level of violence in Iraq. There is much less of it: The civil war and the insurgency have been suppressed and the terrorists have been marginalized, so American troops have been able to pass the majority of their remaining combat responsibilities to the Iraqi security forces. Most U.S. troops now have little expectation of seeing combat in Iraq. Instead, they are spending more time acting as peacekeepers, protecting personnel and facilities, and advising Iraqi formations. But that didn't start this month: It's more or less what they have been doing since the "clear and hold" operations to take back the country from militias and insurgents ended in 2008.
Friday, August 20, 2010
US and Russia competition in Central Asia
Costa Rica
The Lowest Form Of Military Aggression.
Luis Roberto Zamora Bolaños. Americas Program. August 10, 2010
On July 1, 2010, Costa Rica's Legislative Assembly authorized the U.S. military to undertake policing duties in Costa Rica, based on an expired "Cooperation Agreement." Just one small problem: Costa Rica abolished its army in 1949 and since then has had no national military forces.
Costa Rica is world-renowned for its natural environment, its political and democratic stability in a region of conflict, it's commitment to protecting human rights, and its peaceful and unarmed neutrality in foreign affairs.
Throughout ithe country's history since independence, Costa Rica has distanced itself from the power struggles in the region, with only occasional exceptions, including the U.S. invasion in 1856. The country has grown alongside increasing indices of human development, which by the 1980s had nearly reached First World levels.
In 1949, after its last internal conflicts, Costa Rica established a new republic. The Constitution prohibited an army and delegated the power to "monitor and maintain public order" exclusively to civilian police forces. The country became a leader in promoting human rights and the American Convention on Human Rights was signed in San Jose, Costa Rica in 1969.
Later the Cold War turned hot in Central America and spread throughout the isthmus. In the middle of pressure from the Nicaraguan Sandinistas and the contras (counter-revolutionary forces) trained by the CIA, then-President Luis Alberto Monge proceeded in November of 1983 to declare the permanent, unarmed neutrality of Costa Rica vis a vis the violent conflicts of other nations. This enabled the country to maintain peace in the midst of the wars and conflicts of its neighbors, and to continue to develop within a region that was collapsing.
Recently, Costa Rica became the first country in the world to recognize and declare the Right to Peace. Remarkably, this happened in the midst of a process of destruction of the judicial apparatus that the government of Oscar Arias put into practice, for which Costa Rica has been reported to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights under charges of judicial bias in favor of former President Arias, his families and policies. The Right to Peace declaration was the result of two cases brought by the author before the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice.
The first case challenged the Costa Rican government's support for the coalition that invaded Iraq in 2003. In this case, the Court annulled the support, stating it violated the commitment to neutrality because it was a unilateral act. It also declared that support for the U.S. invasion violated the United Nations Charter and contradicted a fundamental principle of "the Costa Rican identity", which is peace as a fundamental value. Never before had the court annulled the support of a government for an invasion.
The second case filed in October of 2008 concerns a decree issued by Oscar Arias-a Nobel Peace Prize recipient-that authorized the extraction of thorium and uranium, nuclear fuel development and the manufacture of nuclear reactors "for all purposes." The Court annulled the contested decree, recognizing the existence of a Right to Peace, which had been violated by the decree due to the fact that it contained elements directly related to the "anti-value" of war.
The "Right to Peace" imposes both positive and negative obligations on the State. Positively, the State must promote international peace; negatively, the State must refrain from authorizing war-related activities, including entry, production, purchase, sale, storage, import, export, etc., of items, goods or services made or intended to be used in a war. The Constitutional Court of Costa Rica issued this decision.
Apart from the Costa Rican history, the world has been affected by multiple problems, among them drug trafficking. Unfortunately, in today's world with today's politicians and their way of conducting what Plato called "the art of governing," drug trafficking has become a convenient "security excuse" for achieving their own economic or hegemonic imperialist purposes.
Despite its legal obligations to peace, Costa Rica has not been an exception to the rule. It simply needed a few servile puppet governments willing to do anything for their own interests and that of their boss, to trample and destroy the achievements of the sovereign people won through democratic struggles and within the institutional framework.
The permission granted by the legislature to the United States military is based on an agreement for joint maritime patrols between the U.S. and Costa Rica that expired in October 2009. This permit that ended in 2009 only allow for Coast Guard patrols and never authorized the entry of the United States military personnel and only covered coast guard missions.
However, the Legislature has now authorized the entry of 12,207 U.S. soldiers and 46 military vessels, 45 armed with artillery. Forty-three of these are warships similar to the "Oliver Hazard Perry." The ships carry 180 Sikorsky Blackhawk helicopters in the SH-60 and MH-60 categories designed primarily for anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare, naval special warfare, combat search and rescue, among others.
In addition to the exorbitant sum of 180 helicopters, the entry of ten McDonnell Douglas (Boeing) AV-8B Harrier II aircraft carriers was authorized. These are land attack planes (for supposed sea operations?) that can carry on board 25 mm. Equalizer GAU-12 machine guns, four 70 mm. LAU-5003 rocket launchers with a capacity of 19 CRV7 rockets, and six AGM-65 Maverick missiles or two AGM-84 Harpoon or two AGM-88 HARM. These ships may also carry CDU-100 cluster bombs, Mark 80 unguided bombs, Paveway laser-guided bombs or Mark 77 napalm bombs.
The agreement also grants permission for aircraft carriers such as the "Wasp amphibious attack," which are specifically assault ships.
Everything on the list of ships, aircraft, helicopters and troops detailed above is designed and intended to be used in a war. Therefore, they cannot be deployed in our country because the negative obligation requires the State to reject them as elements that are counter to and in violation of the Right to Peace.
The U.S. Embassy in Costa Rica says there is no problem because the United States will not send all the equipment authorized. Two points are important here. First, I do not believe the U.S. ambassador's word on this. Second, the problem is not what the U.S. sends; the problem is a domestic one, lying in what was authorized to enter and operate within the country.
Despite the legal limitations in the country, and despite a constitutional obligation to invest only civilian police with the duties of monitoring and enforcing our public order, the submissive legislative assembly-dominated by the ruling parties-is allowing the U.S. military to play war games on our sovereign land as if it were a game of chess.
As a Costa Rican, the saddest part of this situation, besides the destruction of our history, is that we're going to militarize the country with foreign armies to protect the Colombian drugs and Venezuelan oil that the United States consumes. If the U.S. government's purpose was really to eliminate the drug problem, it would attack the problem where drugs are grown or in countries closer to production. The "war on drugs" is nothing more than an excuse for ulterior motives. If there is a battle, the free soil of this country of peace-a nation with no army and a pledge to neutrality-will enable and facilitate the return of the Cold War that the United States so badly needs for its survival.
The whole situation is grotesque, to me the lowest form of military aggression in modern times.
Luis Roberto Zamora Bolaños is a trial lawyer in his hometown Heredia, Costa Rica. He received his degree in Law from the University of Costa Rica, has litigated in promoting the Right to Peace, achieving constitutional recognition in 2008. Prior to that, he successfully went to the Supreme Court to force his country to withdraw the support given to the coalition invasion of Iraq. Since 2005 he has participated in forums and conferences in promoting the Right to Peace, including the World Peace Forum in Vancouver 2005, the World Social Forum 2007 in Nairobi, the 62 UN DPI Conference on Disarmament, in Mexico in 2009, the Conference on the 60th anniversary of the Stockholm Declaration of 2010 on nuclear disarmament in Paris, among others. Parallel to his work as a trial lawyer, Zamora works pro-bono for peace related issues. Currently he is involved as an expert on the right to peace and nuclear disarmament in international forums.